A diachronic analysis of the interaction of syllabification by Koenig, Jeanette Suzanne

By Koenig, Jeanette Suzanne

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43 that apply context freely (post-cyclic). If /o/-raising is a cyclic rule, it cannot apply to underlying /koz-/ (that is, in Cycle One); otherwise, it would apply everywhere. Often the nature of the derived environment required for a given rule is not clear,36 but because it is ordered before some other rule that is easily demonstrable as cyclic, the cyclicity of the rule in question is taken as a matter of logic. 39 If the next morpheme begins with a vowel, such as the nominative singular /-a/, the syllable remains open and /o/-raising fails.

Truncation of either the /d/ or /l/ seems a reasonable way to resolve this (but cf. rubl’ (‘ruble’ masculine nominative singular), which does permit a sonority sequencing violation involving similar segments). However, there is no phonetic reason for the feminine form in (26-b) above to lose the /d/. la/. Nevertheless, the /d/ is deleted in the feminine form as well. The rule in which d/t ✁ ∅ in the past tense, which applies specifically to verbs of this class, is a morphophonemic rule, not a phonetic one.

B. l a s • k- a \ | / \ | σ σ [laska] ‘weasel’ fem. nom. sg. c. l a s k-(•) \ | / / σ [lask] ‘caress’ fem. gen. pl. 3 below). The genitive plural form, which has no overt ending (crucially, no vocalic ending that can provide a syllable nucleus), leaves the /k/ 41 unsyllabified, which we claim triggers vocalization of the M-jer. , the feminine nominative singular /-a/ in (21-b), provide a nucleus for the /k/ to syllabify with, and so the M-jer does not vocalize. In (21-c), the same genitive plural ending fails to provide a nucleus for the /k/, but there is nothing to block it from syllabifying with the rest of the stem /las/.

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